Abstract

Peace journalism as a new concept has many advocates as well as critics. This research aims at investigating the views of Turkish journalist-columnists on the issue. The reason of choosing the journalist-columnists is that they are seen by other journalists as opinion leaders of the profession. If this journalistic approach is received positively by these opinion leaders, it may turn to a practical issue of how to develop and apply it. For the research, two different approaches are going to be followed. First, the newspaper columns will be scanned with keywords whether they have mentioned peace journalism, and second, an online interview will be conducted with the columnist-journalists from different newspapers.

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Abstract

“In the most serious political conflicts wars of words play as significant as a role as wars of weapons. Wars of words are propaganda battles and contests for media control” (Ramsbotham, 2010, p. xi). In times of violent conflict the battle is fought also in the discursive field of news representations, i.e. in how the reality is constructed through them. The same can be said for peace processes. Peace journalism entails that this discursive field must be managed in a fair way, and that news media have responsibility to contribute to peace processes. What if the state tries to impose its form of ‘peace journalism’ on the news media in an attempt to control them? Can “government imposed journalism” still be considered as peace journalism if it aims to contribute to a peace process? This paper discusses these questions within the context of the peace process between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government’s communication strategies regarding the peace process and how the media respond to these strategies are discussed in a frame analysis of six Turkish newspapers, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Zaman, Yeni Şafak, Habertürk, covering the period of 2013. The data is provided by the media monitoring agency Ajans Press with a keyword search in their print newspaper archive using the following keywords: İmralı, barış süreci (peace process), çözüm süreci (resolution process), and Öcalan. The front page stories that continued on other pages are also included in the analysis. Reference: Ramsbotham, O. (2010). Transforming Violent Conflict- Radical disagreement, dialogue and survival. London and New York: Routledge.

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Abstract

KEYNOTE LECTURE OF THE II. INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CULTURAL STUDIES, “CULTURAL STUDIES ?18”, ORGANIZED BY EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH CENTER (DAKAM), 23-24 MARCH 2018, ISTANBUL

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Abstract

Populism is on the rise in the world political scene. It can be argued that the spread of internet, especially of social media, is a factor in the rise of populism. In this study, social media populism and the role of political satire in its spread are discussed through the case of Çetin Sadeli, who after becoming a Facebook phenomenon in Northern Cyprus ran as an independent parliamentary candidate in the early general elections in 2018. Sadeli, known for his political satire videos published on the Facebook page called “Neydi Olacağı” [What was to happen], got a high number of votes, that can be considered as a record in the elections, but could not enter the parliament because of the election threshold in the country. The main argument of this study is that Çetin Sadeli’s success in the elections is caused by the fact that he has created emotional contagion in social media by combining populism and political satire. Six videos published by Çetin Sadeli on “Neydi Olacağı” Facebook page were reviewed and comments on these videos were examined. In addition, a semi-structured interview was held with Çetin Sadeli. This study aims to answer the following research questions: 1) Are there populism elements in the content and rhetoric of Çetin Sadeli’s videos? 2) Has there been emotional contagion among the audience in the comments made to the videos? 3) How does Çetin Sadeli define himself? The research shows that the content and rhetoric of Sadeli’s videos of are populist, and there has been emotional contagion among the audience. These elements, together with Sadeli considering himself as close to the left, can be described as a kind of “empty” leftist populism

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Popülizmin dünya siyaset sahnesinde yükselişte olduğu gözlenmektedir. İnternetin, özellikle de sosyal medyanın yaygınlaşmasının, popülizmin yükselişinde bir etken olduğu savunulabilir. Bu çalışmada, Kuzey Kıbrıs’ta bir Facebook fenomeni olduktan sonra 2018 erken genel seçimlerinde bağımsız milletvekili adayı olan Çetin Sadeli örneği üzerinden, sosyal medya popülizmi ve bunun yaygınlaşmasında siyasi hicvin rolü ele alınmaktadır. Kıbrıs’ta “Neydi Olacağı” adlı Facebook sayfasında yayınlanan siyasi hiciv videolarıyla tanınan Sadeli, seçimlerde rekor sayılabilecek bir oy almış ancak ülkedeki seçim barajını aşamayarak meclise girememiştir. Bu araştırmanın temel savı, Çetin Sadeli’nin seçimlerdeki başarısının, popülizm ile siyasi hicvi birleştirerek, sosyal medyada bir duygusal bulaşma yaratmış olmasından kaynaklandığıdır. Araştırma kapsamında, Çetin Sadeli’nin seçime yönelik olarak Neydi Olacağı Facebook sayfasında yayınladığı altı video ile bu videolara yapılan yorumlar incelendi. Ayrıca Sadeli ile yarı-yapılandırılmış bir görüşme gerçekleştirildi. Çalışmada temel olarak şu araştırma sorularına yanıt arandı: 1) Çetin Sadeli’nin videolarının içeriğinde ve üslubunda popülizm öğeleri mevcut mudur? 2) Videolara yapılan yorumlarda izleyiciler arasında duygusal bulaşma yaşanmış mıdır? 3) Çetin Sadeli kendisini nasıl tanımlamaktadır? Araştırma, Sadeli’nin videolarının içeriği ve üslubunun popülist nitelik taşıdığını ve izleyiciler arasında duygusal bulaşma yaşandığını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu öğeler, Sadeli’nin kendisini “sola yatkın” olarak nitelemesiyle birleşince, Sadeli’nin iletişim çerçeveleri bir tür “boş” sol popülizm olarak nitelendirilebilir.

Abstract

Welcome to the IV. International Interdisciplinary Conference on Memory and the Past. Today, as colleagues, we will share our academic works on memory, myth, emotion and art with each other. First of all, I would like to thank DAKAM for creating this platform, which I am sure, will be the home of fruitful discussions, and for inviting me to deliver this keynote speech. My speech will concentrate on myths of “Turkishness” and “Europeanness” in the collective memories of the Turkish people and the “Europeans”, which, I argue, still create obstacles in current relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey.

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