Work Experience

  • Todate 2020

    Bölüm Başkanı/ Chairperson

    Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi/ Near East University , Gazetecilik/ Journalism

  • 2020 2018

    Bölüm Başkan Vekili / Acting Chairperson

    Yakın Doğu Üniversitesi/ Near East University , Gazetecilik / Journalism

  • Todate 2016

    Faculty Member

    Near East University, Journalism

  • 2016 2011

    Research Assistant

    Eastern Mediterranean University , Faculty of Communication and Media Studies

Education & Training

  • Ph.D. 2016

    Communication and Media Studies

    Eastern Mediterranean University

  • Master2006

    Conflict Resolution

    University of Bradford

  • Bachelor1998

    Political Science and International Relations

    Boğaziçi University

Honors, Awards and Grants

  • 2002
    Abdi İpekçi Peace and Friendship Award in Journalism
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Research Projects

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AN ANALYSIS OF THE AKKUYU NUCLEAR POWER PLANT DEBATE IN ONLINE NEWS MEDIA IN TURKEY AND NORTHERN CYPRUS / TÜRKİYE VE KUZEY KIBRIS’TAKİ ÇEVRİMİÇİ HABER MEDYASINDA AKKUYU NÜKLEER SANTRALI TARTIŞMALARI ÜZERİNE BİR ANALİZ

Book Chapter Debates on Media and Communication Studies , Volume -, Issue -, 2019, Pages 151-170

Abstract

The nuclear energy debate in Turkey, which started in 2010 with the formalization of the construction of the Akkuyu Power Plant (APP), constitutes the subject of this study. News stories regarding the APP published on the Internet sites of two oppositional news organs, Yenidüzen from Northern Cyprus and Yeşil Gazete from Turkey, are assessed from environmental journalism perspective in an effort to answer two questions: a) Is environmental journalism is practiced regarding APP news in these two oppositional news organs? b) Can we refer to this online news media as alternative and activist media? The research is based on the content and frame analyses of 44 news stories from Yenidüzen, and 38 from Yeşil Gazete, published from 2011-2019. In the study of the news articles, four frames were identified: Political economic frame, environmental concerns frame, danger-risk frame, and anti- nuclear activism frame. The danger-risk frame is found to be the most prominent frame (43.4%) in Yenidüzen. The same frame constituted only 29% of the total number of news frames published in Yeşil Gazete. The study shows that both online news media were not particularly dependent on official sources and discourse in their coverage of APP as human rights and environmental organizations were the main actors in the selected news articles. However, although both news platforms open their spaces anti-nuclear and environmental activism, it cannot be said that there is consistent environmental journalism practice.


Özet

Ekolojik, Politik, Katılımcı ve Şenlikli Bir İnternet Gazetesi”: Bir Alternatif Aktivist Çevre Gazeteciliği Örneği Olarak Yeşil Gazete

Book Chapter Yeni Gazetecilik Mecralar, Deneyimler, Olanaklar, Volume -, Issue -, 2020, Pages 328-379

Abstract

Bu çalışma, Türkiye’de online ortamda çevreci gazeteciliğin Yeşil Gazete örneği üzerinden bir fotoğrafını çekmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çevre gazeteciliği, küresel ısınma ve buna bağlı olarak vahşi hayatın korunması, su kaynaklarının azalması, neoliberal politikalar, sağlık gibi sorun alanlarını içerir (Akharya ve Noronha 2010) Bodker ve Neverla’nın not ettiği gibi, çevre haberciliği bir yandan politika, iş hayatı, bilim, doğa ve kültürün, diğer yandan da yerel, bölgesel ve küresel ölçeklerin arasında duran bir anlatıdır (2013). Bodker ve Neverla’nın üzerinde durduğu bir başka nokta ise çevre araştırmalarındaki bilimsel dilin gazeteciliğe aktarımında kaynaklanan güçlüklerdir. Bu yazıda kendisini “ekolojik, politik, katılımcı ve şenlikli bir internet gazetesi” olarak tanımlayan Yeşil Gazete, eylemci alternatif gazetecilik perspektifinden değerlendirilecektir. Online olarak doğan Yeşil Gazete’nin içerikleri üç ölçüte göre değerlendirilecektir: a) Yukarıda anılan çevre sorunlarının ne kadar içerildiği; b) Yeni haber yapma pratiklerinin (açık kaynak gazetecilik uygulamaları, vatandaş gazeteciliği, multimedya ve interaktif haber anlatıları, veri gazeteciliği, infografik kullanımı) Yeşil Gazete’de ne kadar ve nasıl kullanıldığı; c)Eylemci gazetecilik örneği olarak değerlendirdiğimiz Yeşil Gazete’nin söyleminin çevre için politikalar üretme potansiyeli. Araştırma çerçevesinde ayrıca Yeşil Gazete’nin yazı işleri kadrosuyla da bir dizi görüşme gerçekleştirilerek yukarıdaki üç temel soruya dair görüşleri alınacaktır.


Özet

Framing Peace Journalism: How Do the Turkish Journalist-Columnists See and Evaluate the Concept?

Conference Paper (Re)Making and Undoing Peace/Conflict, 3rd International Conference in Communication and Media Studies, April 11-13 2012, Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Eastern Mediterranean University , Volume -, Issue -, 2013, Pages 123-130

Abstract

Peace journalism as a new concept has many advocates as well as critics. This research aims at investigating the views of Turkish journalist-columnists on the issue. The reason of choosing the journalist-columnists is that they are seen by other journalists as opinion leaders of the profession. If this journalistic approach is received positively by these opinion leaders, it may turn to a practical issue of how to develop and apply it. For the research, two different approaches are going to be followed. First, the newspaper columns will be scanned with keywords whether they have mentioned peace journalism, and second, an online interview will be conducted with the columnist-journalists from different newspapers.


Özet

"State-Imposed Peace Journalism": Reflections on State-Media Relations in the Ongoing Peace Process in Turkey

Conference Paper Paper presented at the 25th IPRA General Conference, Istanbul, Turkey, 11-15 August 2015, Volume -, Issue -, 2014, Pages -

Abstract

“In the most serious political conflicts wars of words play as significant as a role as wars of weapons. Wars of words are propaganda battles and contests for media control” (Ramsbotham, 2010, p. xi). In times of violent conflict the battle is fought also in the discursive field of news representations, i.e. in how the reality is constructed through them. The same can be said for peace processes. Peace journalism entails that this discursive field must be managed in a fair way, and that news media have responsibility to contribute to peace processes. What if the state tries to impose its form of ‘peace journalism’ on the news media in an attempt to control them? Can “government imposed journalism” still be considered as peace journalism if it aims to contribute to a peace process? This paper discusses these questions within the context of the peace process between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government’s communication strategies regarding the peace process and how the media respond to these strategies are discussed in a frame analysis of six Turkish newspapers, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Zaman, Yeni Şafak, Habertürk, covering the period of 2013. The data is provided by the media monitoring agency Ajans Press with a keyword search in their print newspaper archive using the following keywords: İmralı, barış süreci (peace process), çözüm süreci (resolution process), and Öcalan. The front page stories that continued on other pages are also included in the analysis. Reference: Ramsbotham, O. (2010). Transforming Violent Conflict- Radical disagreement, dialogue and survival. London and New York: Routledge.


Özet

A Relational Ontology for Peace

Conference Paper Keynote Lecture at Cultural Studies ’18- II. International Conference on Cultural Studies , Volume -, Issue -, 2018, Pages 7-13

Abstract

KEYNOTE LECTURE OF THE II. INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CULTURAL STUDIES, “CULTURAL STUDIES ?18”, ORGANIZED BY EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN ACADEMIC RESEARCH CENTER (DAKAM), 23-24 MARCH 2018, ISTANBUL


Özet

Sosyal Medya Popülizmi ve Siyasi Hiciv: KKTC 2018 Erken Genel Seçimlerinde Bağımsız Aday Olan Çetin Sadeli Örneği

Conference Paper Uluslararası Dijital Çağda İletişim Sempozyumu, 18-19 Ekim 2018, Volume -, Issue -, 2018, Pages 41-51

Abstract

Populism is on the rise in the world political scene. It can be argued that the spread of internet, especially of social media, is a factor in the rise of populism. In this study, social media populism and the role of political satire in its spread are discussed through the case of Çetin Sadeli, who after becoming a Facebook phenomenon in Northern Cyprus ran as an independent parliamentary candidate in the early general elections in 2018. Sadeli, known for his political satire videos published on the Facebook page called “Neydi Olacağı” [What was to happen], got a high number of votes, that can be considered as a record in the elections, but could not enter the parliament because of the election threshold in the country. The main argument of this study is that Çetin Sadeli’s success in the elections is caused by the fact that he has created emotional contagion in social media by combining populism and political satire. Six videos published by Çetin Sadeli on “Neydi Olacağı” Facebook page were reviewed and comments on these videos were examined. In addition, a semi-structured interview was held with Çetin Sadeli. This study aims to answer the following research questions: 1) Are there populism elements in the content and rhetoric of Çetin Sadeli’s videos? 2) Has there been emotional contagion among the audience in the comments made to the videos? 3) How does Çetin Sadeli define himself? The research shows that the content and rhetoric of Sadeli’s videos of are populist, and there has been emotional contagion among the audience. These elements, together with Sadeli considering himself as close to the left, can be described as a kind of “empty” leftist populism


Özet

Popülizmin dünya siyaset sahnesinde yükselişte olduğu gözlenmektedir. İnternetin, özellikle de sosyal medyanın yaygınlaşmasının, popülizmin yükselişinde bir etken olduğu savunulabilir. Bu çalışmada, Kuzey Kıbrıs’ta bir Facebook fenomeni olduktan sonra 2018 erken genel seçimlerinde bağımsız milletvekili adayı olan Çetin Sadeli örneği üzerinden, sosyal medya popülizmi ve bunun yaygınlaşmasında siyasi hicvin rolü ele alınmaktadır. Kıbrıs’ta “Neydi Olacağı” adlı Facebook sayfasında yayınlanan siyasi hiciv videolarıyla tanınan Sadeli, seçimlerde rekor sayılabilecek bir oy almış ancak ülkedeki seçim barajını aşamayarak meclise girememiştir. Bu araştırmanın temel savı, Çetin Sadeli’nin seçimlerdeki başarısının, popülizm ile siyasi hicvi birleştirerek, sosyal medyada bir duygusal bulaşma yaratmış olmasından kaynaklandığıdır. Araştırma kapsamında, Çetin Sadeli’nin seçime yönelik olarak Neydi Olacağı Facebook sayfasında yayınladığı altı video ile bu videolara yapılan yorumlar incelendi. Ayrıca Sadeli ile yarı-yapılandırılmış bir görüşme gerçekleştirildi. Çalışmada temel olarak şu araştırma sorularına yanıt arandı: 1) Çetin Sadeli’nin videolarının içeriğinde ve üslubunda popülizm öğeleri mevcut mudur? 2) Videolara yapılan yorumlarda izleyiciler arasında duygusal bulaşma yaşanmış mıdır? 3) Çetin Sadeli kendisini nasıl tanımlamaktadır? Araştırma, Sadeli’nin videolarının içeriği ve üslubunun popülist nitelik taşıdığını ve izleyiciler arasında duygusal bulaşma yaşandığını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu öğeler, Sadeli’nin kendisini “sola yatkın” olarak nitelemesiyle birleşince, Sadeli’nin iletişim çerçeveleri bir tür “boş” sol popülizm olarak nitelendirilebilir.

Myths on “Turkishness” and “Europeanness”: A Tour to the Past.

Conference Paper Keynote Lecture at Memory Studies ’19- VII. International Interdisciplinary Conference on Memory Studies and The Past , Volume -, Issue -, 2019, Pages 7-19

Abstract

Welcome to the IV. International Interdisciplinary Conference on Memory and the Past. Today, as colleagues, we will share our academic works on memory, myth, emotion and art with each other. First of all, I would like to thank DAKAM for creating this platform, which I am sure, will be the home of fruitful discussions, and for inviting me to deliver this keynote speech. My speech will concentrate on myths of “Turkishness” and “Europeanness” in the collective memories of the Turkish people and the “Europeans”, which, I argue, still create obstacles in current relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey.


Özet

Communicating With the “Other”: Peace Journalism as a Form of Self–Other Relationship

Original Article Journal of Media Ethics, Volume 31, Issue 3, 2016, Pages 188-195

Abstract

The starting point of this article is Clifford Christians’ argument that peace journalism presumes a liberal-contractual self and that it must transform its philosophy of the human, where “the liberal self be exorcised and replaced by a relational self.” In this article, the author discusses what the relational self is, how differently it can be conceptualized from the liberal-contractual self, and what difference it would make in terms of conflict reporting to presume a relational self instead of a liberal-contractual self.


Özet

A DISCUSSION ON THE METHODOLOGY OF PEACE JOURNALISM

Original Article The Turkish Online Journal of Design, Art and Communication - TOJDAC, Volume 7, Issue 4, 2017, Pages 556-565

Abstract

Peace journalism is a normative mode of journalism that aims to contribute to nonviolent transformation of conflicts. The theory, which supports that news about conflict should be given in a way to enhance empathy and understanding among adversaries, is referred to as a revolutionary or insurgent form of journalism by various sources. Peace journalism had an ambiguous start regarding its methodology, which seems to be related to the movement’s pragmatic take-off in the late 1990’s, and did not discuss its methodology until the mid-2000’s. Later Jake Lynch (2006, 2007, 2014) proposed critical realism as the methodological foundation of the movement. This paper discusses the methodology problem of peace journalism and suggests instead a constructionist methodology, which is based on the premise that there is no truth independent of the observer; rather everything we know about the world is socially constructed. Critical realism prioritizes ontology over epistemology and argues that there is a certain shape of reality that one has to believe in. This paper argues that this transcendental ontology is a form of story-telling and there are thousands of ways of telling a story. Therefore, the priority for journalism should be on epistemology, that is to say, on the question of “how to know” as news is a representation of reality, and not a reflection of it.


Özet

Barış gazeteciliği çatışmaların şiddet dışı yollardan dönüştürülmesine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlayan normatif bir gazetecilik akımıdır. Çatışma haberlerinin taraflar arasında anlayış ve empatiyi güçlendirecek şekilde verilmesini savunan teori, farklı kaynaklarca devrimci ya da asi bir gazetecilik biçimi olarak adlandırılmaktadır. 1990’lı yılların sonlarında pragmatik bir çıkış yapan barış gazeteciliği, metodolojisiyle ilgili belirsiz bir başlangıç yaptı ve metodolojisini 2000’lerin ortalarına kadar tartışmadı. Daha sonra Jake Lynch (2006, 2007, 2014) barış gazeteciliğinin metodolojik temeli olarak eleştirel gerçekçiliği önerdi. Bu çalışmada, barış gazeteciliğinin metodolojisi tartışılıyor ve gözlemciden bağımsız bir hakikat bulunmadığı öncülüne dayanan, bunun yerine dünya hakkındaki tüm bildiklerimizin toplumsal olarak inşa edildiğini savunan inşacı bir metodoloji öneriliyor. Eleştirel gerçekçilik, ontolojiye epistemoloji üzerinde öncelik verir ve insanın inanması gereken, gerçeğin belirli bir şekli olduğunu savunur. Bu çalışma, bu aşkın ontolojinin bir öykü anlatma şekli olduğunu ve bir öyküyü anlatmanın binlerce yolu olduğunu savunuyor. Dolayısıyla, haber gerçeğin bir yansıması değil, bir temsili olduğu için, gazeteciliğin önceliği epistemoloji, bir başka ifadeyle, “nasıl bilinebilir” sorusu üzerine olmalıdır.

Transcending the 'Neoliberal Self' for Positive Peace: A New Balance between Individualism and Collectivism

Original Article Journal of Transdisciplinary Peace Praxis, Volume 2, Issue 1, 2020, Pages 64-81

Abstract

Peace refers to a socio-economic, political and cultural order. In this article, along with Johan Galtung’s conceptualization of ‘positive peace’, I define ‘peace’ as reaching a peace culture, where not only direct violence, but also forms of structural and cultural violence are overcome. As an alternative to the neoliberal ideology of global capitalism, which has come to dominate the common-sense understanding of ‘peace’, positive peace must be a horizontal, egalitarian, and classless society, a society of freedom, equality and solidarity. In individualism/collectivism theoretical framework, freedom and equality are thought to refer to two distinctively different types of social organization, namely, individualism and collectivism, based on two different types of self-construal, independent or autonomous versus interdependent or relational self. Mainstream social psychology presumes that autonomy and relatedness are mutually exclusive categories, which doesn’t have to be the case. For reaching positive peace, we need a new balance between individualism and collectivism. In this paper, I argue that such a balance requires a relational ontology and a new form of self-other relationship, which encompass autonomy and relatedness. For this reason, I will first discuss the atomistic self-construal of neoliberalism and alternative indigenous traditions of relational ontology. I will then present the ‘autonomous-related self’ construal, which has emerged in urban centres of the non-Western world. This alternative self-construal points to an individual who is both autonomous and caring for her/his collectivity. This autonomous-relational self presents a dialectical synthesis between individualism and collectivism.


Özet

Review of the Book "The Propaganda of Peace: The Role of Media and Culture in the Northern Ireland Peace Process"

Review Global Media Journal: Mediterranean Edition, Volume 8, Issue 1, 2013, Pages 48-49

Abstract

Tracing the “structure of feeling” during the peace process in Northern Ireland, McLaughlin and Baker present an innovative and illuminating interpretation of the role of media and culture in the process. The authors analyze not only news in the mainstream and alternative local media, but also a wide spectrum of representations found in public advertisements, films, television dramas and museum exhibitions across the time span of the Northern Ireland peace process. Not just key politicians, but loyalist and nationalist paramilitaries, and „ordinary people? – mothers, fathers and children – all find their voice in this vigorous analysis of media and culture in the Northern Irish peace process. The text is organised in a relatively short volume of about 100 pages.


Özet

Currrent Teaching

  • 2019 YAZ

    COMMUNICATION AND MODERNITY

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Teaching History

  • 2018 YAZ

    DEPARTMENT PROJECT

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    RIGHTS -BASED JOURNALISM

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    RIGHT ORIENTED JOURNALISM

  • 2017 GÜZ

    COURSE TRAINING

    Öğrencinin gazetecilikle ilgili edindiği bilgi ve becerileri bir medya kuruluşunda uygulamaya geçirmesi ve bir medya kuruluşunun işleyişini öğrenmesi

  • 2018 GÜZ

    COURSE TRAINING

    Öğrencinin gazetecilikle ilgili edindiği bilgi ve becerileri bir medya kuruluşunda uygulamaya geçirmesi ve bir medya kuruluşunun işleyişini öğrenmesi

  • 2017 BAHAR

    COURSE TRAINING II

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  • 2018 BAHAR

    COURSE TRAINING II

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    MEDIA ETHICS

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  • 2017 GÜZ

    LAW OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2018 GÜZ

    LAW OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    LAW OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2016 GÜZ

    LOW OF COMMUNICATION

  • 2018 BAHAR

    SOCIOLOGY FOR COMMUNICATION

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  • 2019 BAHAR

    SOCIOLOGY FOR COMMUNICATION

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  • 2018 YAZ

    SOCIOLOGY FOR COMMUNICATION

    • İletişim meselesini, medyaya indirgemeden, sosyolojik biçimde düşünmenin temel kuram ve kavramlarını açıklamak ve anlatmak • Bu kavramları,gerçek hayattaki iletişim bağlamları ve kültürel ürünleri anlayıp değerlendirilmesini sağlayacak farkındalık yaratmak ve bunu geliştirmek, • İletişim ve kültüre Anaakım yaklaşımların geliştirdiği kavram ve fikirlerin geçerliliğini tartışmak, • İletişim ve kültüre Eleştirel Yaklaşımların kuram, kavram ve metodlarını inceleyerek, gündelik hayatta demokratik bir kültür açısından eleştirel düşünceyi geliştirmek.

  • 2016 BAHAR

    SOCIOLOGY OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2017 BAHAR

    SOCIOLOGY OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2018 BAHAR

    SOCIOLOGY OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2019 BAHAR

    SOCIOLOGY OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2017 BAHAR

    COMMUNICATION AND MODERNITY

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  • 2018 BAHAR

    COMMUNICATION AND MODERNITY

  • 2018 BAHAR

    COMMUNICATION AND MODERNITY

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  • 2019 BAHAR

    COMMUNICATION AND MODERNITY

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    COMMUNICATION AND MODERNITY

  • 2018 BAHAR

    COMMUNICATIONS AND MODERNITY

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  • 2019 BAHAR

    COMMUNICATIONS AND MODERNITY

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  • 2017 GÜZ

    ILETISIM VE MODERNLIK

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  • 2018 GÜZ

    ILETISIM VE MODERNLIK

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  • 2016 GÜZ

    INTRODUCTION OF COMMUNICATION

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  • 2016 GÜZ

    INTRODUCTION TO COMMUNICATION

  • 2017 GÜZ

    INTRODUCTION TO COMMUNICATION

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  • 2018 GÜZ

    INTRODUCTION TO COMMUNICATION

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    INTRODUCTION TO COMMUNICATION

  • 2018 BAHAR

    CULTURE, POLITICS AND COMMUNICATION

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  • 2016 BAHAR

    CULTURE, POLITICS AND COMMUNICATION

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  • 2017 BAHAR

    CULTURE, POLITICS AND COMMUNICATION

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  • 2019 BAHAR

    CULTURE , POLITICS AND COMMUNICATION

  • 2016 BAHAR

    INTERVIEW TECHNICS

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  • 2016 BAHAR

    INTERVIEW TECHNIQUES

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  • 2016 BAHAR

    POLITICAL COMMUNICATION WORKSHOPS

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  • 2017 BAHAR

    POLITICAL COMMUNICATION WORKSHOPS

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  • 2016 GÜZ

    POLITICAL SCIENCE

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  • 2017 GÜZ

    POLITICAL SCIENCE

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  • 2018 GÜZ

    POLITICAL SCIENCE

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  • 2019 GÜZ

    POLITICAL SCIENCE

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  • 2017 YAZ

    POLITICAL SCIENCE

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  • 2016 BAHAR

    THESIS

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  • 2016 GÜZ

    THESIS

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  • 2019 BAHAR

    NEW MEDIA AND PLURALISM

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At My Office